1757-1804

A staunch debater in the convention which framed the federal constitution, and the chief advocate of that instrument after its completion, was Alexander Hamilton. He was a native of the Island of St. Croix, and was born in 1757. His father was the younger son of an English family, and his mother was an American who died while Hamilton was young. At the age of sixteen, wealthy benefactors sent him to New York where he entered a student of Columbia college. While a member of this institution the first buddings of his intellect gave presages of his future eminence. The contest with Great Britain called forth the first talents on each side, and his juvenile pen asserted the claims of the colonies against very respectable writers. His papers exhibited such evidence of intellect and wisdom, that they were ascribed to Mr. Jay, and when the truth was discovered, America saw with astonishment a lad of seventeen in the list of her able advocates. At the age of eighteen he entered the American army as an officer of artillery. The first sound of war awakened his martial spirit, and as a soldier he soon conciliated the regard of his brethren in arms. It was not long before he attracted the notice of Washington, who in 1777 selected him as an aide, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. His sound understanding, comprehensive views, application and promptitude soon gained him the entire confidence of his patron. In such a school, it was impossible but that his genius should be nourished. By intercourse with Washington, by surveying his plans, observing his consummate prudence, and by a minute inspection of the springs of national operations, he became fitted for command. Throughout the campaign, which terminated in the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Colonel Hamilton commanded a battalion of light infantry. At the siege of York, in 1781, when the second parallel was opened, two redoubts, which flanked it and were advanced three hundred yards in front of the British works, very much annoyed the men in the trenches. It was resolved to possess them, and, to prevent jealousies, the attack of the one was committed to the Americans and of the other to the French. The detachment of the Americans was commanded by the marquis de la Fayette, and Colonel Hamilton, at his own earnest request, led the advanced corps, consisting of two battalions. Toward the close of the day, on the 14th of October, the troops rushed to the charge without firing a single gun. The works were assaulted with irresistible impetuosity, and carried with but little loss. Eight of the enemy fell in the action; but notwithstanding the irritation lately produced by the infamous slaughter in Fort Griswold, not a man was killed who had ceased to resist.

Soon after the capture of Cornwallis, Hamilton sheathed his sword, and being encumbered with a family and destitute of funds, at the age of twenty-five applied to the study of the law. In this profession he soon rose to distinction. But his private pursuits could not detach him from regard to the public welfare. The violence which was meditated against the property and persons of all who remained in the city during the war, called forth his generous exertions, and by the aid of Governor Clinton the faithless and revengeful scheme was defeated. In a few years a more important affair demanded his talents. After witnessing the debility of the confederation, he was fully impressed with the necessity of an efficient general government, and he was appointed in 1787 a member of the federal convention for New York. He assisted in forming the constitution of our country. It did not indeed completely meet his wishes. He was afraid that it did not contain sufficient means of strength for its own preservation, and that in consequence we should share the fate of many other republics, and pass through anarchy to despotism. He was in favor of a more permanent executive and senate. He wished for a strong government, which would not be shaken by the conflict of different interests through an extensive territory, and which should be adequate to all the forms of national exigency. He was apprehensive that the increased wealth and population of the States would lead to encroachments on the Union, and he anticipated the day, when the general government, unable to support itself, would fall. These were his views and feelings, and he freely expressed them. But the patriotism of Hamilton was not of that kind which yields every thing because it cannot accomplish all that it desires. Believing the constitution to be incomparably superior to the old confederation, he exerted all his talents in its support, though it did not rise to his conception of a perfect system. By his pen in the papers signed Publius, and by his voice in the convention of New York he contributed much to its adoption. When the government was organized in 1789, Washington placed him at the head of the treasury. In the new demands which were now made upon his talents, the resources of his mind did not fail him. In his reports he proposed plans for funding the debt of the Union and for assuming the debts of the respective States, for establishing a bank and mint, and for procuring a revenue. He wished to redeem the reputation of his country by satisfying her creditors, and to combine with the government such a moneyed interest as might facilitate its operations. But while he opened sources of wealth to thousands by establishing public credit, and thus restoring the public paper to its original value, he did not enrich himself. He did not take advantage of his situation, nor improve the opportunity he enjoyed for acquiring a fortune. Though accused of amassing wealth, he did not vest a dollar in the public funds. He was exquisitely delicate in regard to his official character, being determined if possible to prevent the impeachment of his motives, and preserve his integrity and good name unimpaired.

In the early stage of the administration, a disagreement existed between Mr. Hamilton and the secretary of state, Mr. Jefferson, which increased till it issued in such open hostility, and introduced such confusion in the cabinet, that Washington found it necessary to address a letter to each, recommending forbearance and moderation. Mr. Hamilton was apprehensive of danger from the encroachment of the States, and wished to add new strength to the general government; while Mr. Jefferson entertained little jealousy of the State sovereignties, and was rather desirous of checking and limiting the exercise of the national authorities, particularly the power of the executive. Other points of difference existed, and a reconciliation could not be effected. In the beginning of 1793, after intelligence of the rupture between France and Great Britain had been received, Hamilton, as one of the cabinet of the president, supported the opinion that the treaty with France was no longer binding, and that a nation might absolve itself from the obligations of real treaties, when such a change takes place in the internal situation of the other contracting party, as renders the continuance of the connection disadvantageous or dangerous. He advised therefore, that the expected French minister should not be received in an unqualified manner. The secretary of state on the other hand was of opinion that the revolution in France had produced no change in the relations between the two countries, and could not weaken the obligation of treaties; and this opinion was embraced by Washington. The advice of Hamilton was followed in regard to the insurrection in Pennsylvania in 1794, and such a detachment was sent out under his own command that it was suppressed without effusion of blood. He remained but a short time afterward in office. As his property had been wasted in the public service, the care of a rising family made it his duty to retire, that by renewed exertions in his profession he might provide for their support, he accordingly resigned his office on the last of January, 1795, and was succeeded by Mr. Wolcott. When a provisional army was raised in 1798 in consequence of the injuries and demands of France, Washington suspended his acceptance of the command of it on the condition, that Hamilton should be his associate and the second in command. This arrangement was accordingly made. After the adjustment of our dispute with the French republic, and the discharge of the army, he returned again to his profession in the city of New York. In this place he passed the remainder of his days.

In June, 1804, Colonel Burr, vice-president of the United States, addressed a letter to General Hamilton, requiring his acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expression derogatory to the honor of the former. This demand was deemed inadmissible, and a duel was the consequence. After the close of the circuit court, the parties met at Weehawken, NJ on the morning of Wednesday, July 11, and Hamilton fell on the same spot where his son a few years before had fallen, in obedience to the same principle of honor, and in the same violation of the laws of God and of man. He was carried into the city, and being desirous of receiving the sacrament of the Lord's supper, he immediately sent for the Rev. Dr. Mason. As the principles of his church prohibited him from administering the ordinance in private, this minister of the gospel informed General Hamilton that the sacrament was an exhibition and pledge of the mercies which the Son of God has purchased, and that the absence of the sign did not exclude from the mercies signified, which were accessible to him by faith in their gracious Author. He replied, "I am aware of that. It is only as a sign that I wanted it." In the conversation which ensued, he disavowed all intention of taking the life of Colonel Burr, and declared his abhorrence of the whole transaction. When the sin of which he had been guilty was intimated to him, he assented with strong emotion; and when the infinite merit of the Redeemer, as the propitiation for sin, the sole' ground of our acceptance with God, was suggested, he said with emphasis "I have a tender reliance on the mercy of the Almighty through the merits of the Lord Jesus Christ." The Rev. Bishop Moore was afterward sent for, and after making suitable inquiries of the penitence and faith of General Hamilton, and receiving his assurance that he would never again, if restored to health, be engaged in a similar transaction, but would employ all his influence in society to discountenance the barbarous custom, administered to him the communion. After this his mind was composed. He expired about two o'clock on Thursday July 12, 1804, aged about forty-seven years.

General Hamilton possessed very uncommon powers of mind. To whatever subject he directed his attention, he was able to grasp it, and in whatever he engaged, in that he excelled. So stupendous were his talents, and so patient was his industry, that no investigation presented difficulties which he could not conquer. In the class of men of intellect he held the first rank. His eloquence was of the most interesting kind, and when new exertions were required, he rose in new strength, and touching at his pleasure every string of pity or terror, of indignation or grief, he bent the passions of others to his purpose. At the bar he gained the first eminence.

He was an honest politician; and his frankness has been commended even by those who considered his political principles as hostile to the American confederated republic. His views of the necessity of a firm general government rendered him a decided friend of the union of the American States. His feelings and language were indignant toward every thing which pointed at its dissolution. His hostility to every influence which leaned toward the project was stern and steady, and in every shape it encountered his reprobation.

With all his pre-eminence of talents, and amiable as he was in private life, General Hamilton is yet a melancholy proof of the influence which intercourse with a depraved world has in perverting the judgment. In principle he was opposed to dueling, his conscience was not hardened, and he was not indifferent to the happiness of his wife and children; but no consideration was strong enough to prevent him from exposing his life in single combat. His own views of usefulness were followed in contrariety to the injunctions of his Maker and Judge. He published the letters of Phocion, which were in favor of the loyalists after the peace. The Federalist, a series of essay's, which appeared in tile public papers in the interval between the publication and the adoption of the constitution of the United States, or soon after, and which was designed to elucidate and support its principles, was written by him in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Madison. He wrote all the numbers, excepting numbers 2, 3, 4, 5, and 54, which were written by Mr. Jay; numbers 10, 14, and 37 to 48 inclusive, by Mr. Madison; and numbers 18, 19, and 20, which he and Mr. Madison wrote conjointly. This work has been published in two volumes, and is held in the highest estimation. His reports while secretary of the treasury are very long, and display great powers of mind. Some of them are preserved in the American Museum. In the report upon manufactures, he controverts the principles of Adam Smith. In the papers signed Pacificus, written in 1793, while he justified the proclamation of neutrality, he also supported his opinion that we were absolved from the obligation of our treaties with France, and that justice was on the side of the coalition of the European powers for the re-establishment of the French monarchy, he published also observations on certain documents, &c, being a defense of himself against the charge of peculation, 1797; and a letter concerning the public conduct and character of his excellency John Adams, president of the United States, (1797-1801). In this letter he endeavors to show, that the venerable patriot, who was more disposed than himself to maintain peace with France, was unworthy of being replaced in the high station which he occupied.

[During the convention which drafted the new constitution, Georgia delegate William Pierce, and others for various reasons, left the convention before September and did not sign the new constitution. However, while in attendance Pierce made private notes on each representative.]

Pierce's notes.